The
Kitchen
A kitchen, is a room or part of a room (sometimes called
"kitchen area" or a "kitchenette") used for food
preparation including cooking, and sometimes also for
eating and entertaining guests, if the kitchen is large
enough and designed to be used that way.
A modern kitchen in the affluent parts of the western world
is typically equipped with a stove and possibly a microwave
oven. It also has a sink with hot and cold running water
available for cleaning food, for providing water to cook
with, as well as for washing dishes, although some modern
kitchens have a dishwasher. One or more units in which to
store food, and to store utensils, pots and dishes, are
also usually present in or near a kitchen, either in the
form of an adjacent pantry room, or more commonly as
kitchen cabinets and a refrigerator which often has a
freezer compartment too.
Although the main function of a kitchen is supposed to be
cooking or preparing food, the kitchen can be the center of
other activities as well, especially within homes,
depending on the size, furnishings, and equipment. If, as
sometimes happens, the home does not have a laundry room,
but instead has a washing machine and possibly a dryer in a
closet in the kitchen, then washing and drying laundry may
also be done in the same room. The kitchen may also be the
place where the family eats, provided it is large enough
and has a table and chairs. Sometimes, the kitchen is the
most comforting room in a house, where family and visitors
tend to congregate. In this respect a large modern kitchen
is still the psychological "hearth" of the home.
The evolution
of the kitchen
The development of the kitchen in the western world has
been intricately and intrinsically linked with the
development of the cooking range or stove. Until the 18th
century, open fire or charcoal were the sole means of
heating food, and the architecture of the kitchen reflected
this. When technical advances brought new ways to heat food
in the 18th and 19th centuries, architects took advantage
of newly-gained flexibility to bring fundamental changes to
the kitchen. Water on tap in private homes only became
gradually available in the western world during
industrialization and more recently than that; before,
water had to be collected from the nearest outdoor source:
well, pump, or spring, and then carried to the kitchen and
heated or used in some other way.
Ancient
history
The houses in Ancient Greece were commonly of the
atrium-type: the rooms were arranged around a central
courtyard. In many such homes, a covered but otherwise open
patio served as the kitchen. Homes of the wealthy had the
kitchen as a separate room, usually next to a bathroom (so
that both rooms could be heated by the kitchen fire), both
rooms being accessible from the court. In such houses,
there was often a separate small storage room in the back
of the kitchen used for storing food and kitchen utensils.
In the Roman Empire, common folk in cities often had no
kitchen of their own; they did their cooking in large
public kitchens. Some had small mobile bronze stoves, on
which a fire could be lit for cooking. Wealthy Romans had
relatively well-equipped kitchens. In a Roman villa, the
kitchen was typically integrated into the main building as
a separate room, set apart for practical reasons of smoke
and sociological reasons of the kitchen being operated by
slaves. The fireplace was typically on the floor, placed at
a wall—sometimes raised a little bit—such that one had to
kneel to cook. There were no chimneys.
Middle
Ages
Early medieval European longhouses had an open fire under
the highest point of the building. The "kitchen area" was
between the entrance and the fireplace. In wealthy homes
there was typically more than one kitchen. In some homes
there were upwards of three kitchens. The kitchens were
divided based on the types of food prepared in them. [1] In
place of a chimney, these early buildings had a hole in the
roof through which some of the smoke could escape. Besides
cooking, the fire also served as a source of heat and light
to the single-room building. A similar design can be found
in the Iroquois longhouses of North America.
In the larger homesteads of European nobles, the kitchen
was sometimes in a separate sunken floor building to keep
the main building, which served social and official
purposes, free from indoor smoke.
The first known stoves in Japan date from about the same
time. The earliest findings are from the Kofun period (3rd
to 6th century). These stoves, called kamado, were
typically made of clay and mortar; they were fired with
wood or charcoal through a hole in the front and had a hole
in the top, into which a pot could be hanged by its rim.
This type of stove remained in use for centuries to come,
with only minor modifications. Like in Europe, the
wealthier homes had a separate building which served for
cooking. A kind of open fire pit fired with charcoal,
called irori, remained in use as the secondary stove in
most homes until the Edo period (17th to 19th century). A
kamado was used to cook the staple food, for instance rice,
while irori served both to cook side dishes and as a heat
source.
The kitchen remained largely unaffected by architectural
advances throughout the Middle Ages; open fire remained the
only method of heating food. European medieval kitchens
were dark, smokey, and sooty places, whence their name
"smoke kitchen". In European medieval cities around the
10th to 12th centuries, the kitchen still used an open fire
hearth in the middle of the room. In wealthy homes, the
ground floor was often used as a stable while the kitchen
was located on the floor above, like the bedroom and the
hall. In castles and monasteries, the living and working
areas were separated; the kitchen was sometimes moved to a
separate building, and thus couldn't serve anymore to heat
the living rooms. In some castles the kitchen was retained
in the same structure, but servants were strictly separated
from nobles, by constructing separate spiral stone
staircases for use of servants to bring food to upper
levels. An extant example of such a medieval kitchen with
servants's staircase is at Muchalls Castle in Scotland. In
Japanese homes, the kitchen started to become a separate
room within the main building at that time.
With the advent of the chimney, the hearth moved from the
center of the room to one wall, and the first
brick-and-mortar hearths were built. The fire was lit on
top of the construction; a vault underneath served to store
wood. Pots made of iron, bronze, or copper started to
replace the pottery used earlier. The temperature was
controlled by hanging the pot higher or lower over the
fire, or placing it on a trivet or directly on the hot
ashes. Using open fire for cooking (and heating) was risky;
fires devastating whole cities occurred frequently.
Leonardo da Vinci invented an automated system for a
rotating spit for spit-roasting: a propeller in the chimney
made the spit turn all by itself. This kind of system was
widely used in wealthier homes. Beginning in the late
Middle Ages, kitchens in Europe lost their home-heating
function even more and were increasingly moved from the
living area into a separate room. The living room was now
heated by tiled stoves, operated from the kitchen, which
offered the huge advantage of not filling the room with
smoke.
Freed from smoke and dirt, the living room thus began to
serve as an area for social functions and increasingly
became a showcase for the owner's wealth and was sometimes
prestigiously furnished. In the upper classes, cooking and
the kitchen were the domain of the servants, and the
kitchen was set apart from the living rooms, sometimes even
far from the dining room. Poorer homes often did not have a
separate kitchen yet; they kept the one-room arrangement
where all activities took place, or at the most had the
kitchen in the entrance hall.
The medieval smoke kitchen (or Farmhouse kitchen) remained
common, especially in rural farmhouses and generally in
poorer homes, until much later. In a few European
farmhouses, the smoke kitchen was in regular use until the
middle of the 20th century. These houses often had no
chimney, but only a smoke hood above the fireplace, made of
wood and covered with clay, and used to smoke meat. The
smoke then rose more or less freely, warming the upstairs
rooms and protecting the woodwork from vermin.
Colonial
American kitchens
In the Colonial American kitchen, the same distinction as
for the medieval European kitchen is visible. The early
settlers in the north often had no separate kitchen; a
fireplace in a corner of the cabin served as the kitchen
space. Later, the kitchen did become a separate room, but
remained within the building.
The development in the southern states was quite different,
but then, so were the climate and sociological conditions.
In southern estates, the kitchen was often relegated to an
outhouse, separated from the mansion, for much of the same
reasons as in the feudal kitchen in medieval Europe: the
kitchen was operated by slaves, and their working place had
to be separated from the living area of the masters by the
social standards of the time. In addition, the area's warm
climate made operating a kitchen quite unpleasant,
especially in the summer.
Completely separated "summer kitchens" also developed on
larger farms further north to avoid that the main house was
heated by the preparation of the meals for the harvest
workers or tasks like canning.
Industrialization
Technological advances during industrialization brought
major changes to the kitchen. Iron stoves, which enclosed
the fire completely and were more efficient, appeared.
Early models included the Franklin stove around 1740, which
was a furnace stove intended for heating, not for cooking.
Benjamin Thompson in England designed his "Rumford stove"
around 1800. This stove was much more energy efficient than
earlier stoves; it used one fire to heat several pots,
which were hung into holes on top of the stove and were
thus heated from all sides instead of just from the bottom.
However, his stove was designed for large kitchens; it was
too big for domestic use. The "Oberlin stove" was a
refinement of the technique that resulted in a size
reduction; it was patented in the U.S. in 1834 and became a
commercial success with some 90,000 units sold over the
next 30 years. These stoves were still fired with wood or
coal. Although the first gas street lamps were installed in
Paris, London, and Berlin at the beginning of the 1820s and
the first U.S. patent on a gas stove was granted in 1825,
it wasn't until the late 19th century that using gas for
lighting and cooking became commonplace in urban areas.
The urbanization in the second half of the 19th century
induced other significant changes that would ultimately
change the kitchen. Out of sheer necessity, cities began
planning and building water distribution pipes into homes,
and built sewers to deal with the waste water. Gas pipes
were laid; gas was used first for lighting purposes, but
once the network had grown sufficiently, it also became
available for heating and cooking on gas stoves. At the
turn of the 20th century, electricity had been mastered
well enough to become a commercially viable alternative to
gas and slowly started replacing the latter. But like the
gas stove, the electrical stove had a slow start. The first
electrical stove had been presented in 1893 at the World's
Columbian Exposition in Chicago, but it wasn't until the
1930s that the technology was stable enough and began to
take off.
Industrialization also caused social changes. The new
factory working class in the cities was housed under
generally poor conditions. Whole families lived in small
one or two-room apartments in tenement buildings up to six
stories high, badly aired and with insufficient lighting.
Sometimes, they shared apartments with "night sleepers",
unmarried men who paid for a bed at night. The kitchen in
such an apartment was often used as a living and sleeping
room, and even as a bathroom. Water had to be fetched from
wells and heated on the stove. Water pipes were laid only
towards the end of the 19th century, and then often only
with one tap per building or per story. Brick-and-mortar
stoves fired with coal remained the norm until well into
the second half of the century. Pots and kitchenware were
typically stored on open shelves, and parts of the room
could be separated from the rest using simple curtains.
In contrast, there were no dramatic changes for the upper
classes. The kitchen, located in the basement or the ground
floor, continued to be operated by servants. In some
houses, water pumps were installed, and some even had
kitchen sinks and drains (but no water on tap yet, except
for some feudal kitchens in castles). The kitchen became a
much cleaner space with the advent of "cooking machines",
closed stoves made of iron plates and fired by wood and
increasingly charcoal or coal, and that had flue pipes
connected to the chimney. For the servants the kitchen
continued to also serve as a sleeping room; they slept
either on the floor, or later in narrow spaces above a
lowered ceiling, for the new stoves with their smoke outlet
no longer required a high ceiling in the kitchen. The
kitchen floors were tiled; kitchenware was neatly stored in
cupboards to protect them from dust and steam. A large
table served as a workbench; there were at least as many
chairs as there were servants, for the table in the kitchen
also doubled as the eating place for the servants.
The middle class tried to imitate the luxurious dining
styles of the upper class as best as it could. Living in
smaller apartments, the kitchen was the main room—here, the
family lived. The study or living room was saved for
special occasions such as an occasional dinner invitation.
Because of this, these middle-class kitchens were often
more homely than those of the upper class, where the
kitchen was a work-only room occupied only by the servants.
Besides a cupboard to store the kitchenware, there were a
table and chairs, where the family would dine, and
sometimes—if space allowed—even a fauteuil or a couch.
Gas pipes were first laid in the late 19th century, and gas
stoves started to replace the older coal-fired stoves. Gas
was more expensive than coal, though, and thus the new
technology was first installed in the wealthier homes.
Where workers' apartments were equipped with a gas stove,
gas distribution would go through a coin meter.
In rural areas, the older technology using coal or wood
stoves or even brick-and-mortar open fireplaces remained
common throughout. Gas and water pipes were first installed
in the big cities; small villages were connected only much
later.
Rationalization
The trend to increasing gasification and electrification
continued at the turn of the 20th century. In industry, it
was the phase of rationalisation, where work processes were
attempted to be streamlined. Taylorism was born, and
time-motion studies were used to optimize processes. These
ideas also spilled over into domestic kitchen architecture
because of a growing trend that called for a
professionalization of household work, started in the
mid-19th century by Catharine Beecher and amplified by
Christine Frederick's publications in the 1910s.
Working class women frequently worked in factories to
ensure the family's survival, as the men's wages often did
not suffice. Social housing projects led to the next
milestone: the "Frankfurt kitchen". Developed in 1926, this
kitchen measured 1.9m by 3.4m (approximately 6'2" by
11'2"), with a standard layout. It was built for two
purposes: to optimize kitchen work to reduce cooking time
(so that women would have more time for the factory) and to
lower the cost of building decently-equipped kitchens. The
design, created by Margarete Schütte-Lihotzky, was the
result of detailed time-motion studies and heavily
influenced by the railway dining car kitchens of the
period. It was built in some 10,000 apartments in a social
housing project of architect Ernst May in Frankfurt.
The initial reception was heavily critical: people were not
accustomed to the changed processes also designed by
Schütte-Lihotzky; it was so small that only one person
could work in it; some storage spaces intended for raw
loose food ingredients such as flour were reachable by
children. But the Frankfurt kitchen embodied a standard for
the rest of the 20th century in rental apartments: the
"work kitchen". Too small to live or dine in, it was soon
criticized as "exiling the women in the kitchen", but the
post-World War II conservatism coupled with economic
reasons prevailed. The kitchen once more was seen as a work
place that needed to be separated from the living areas.
Practical reasons also played a role in this development:
just as in the bourgeois homes of the past, one reason for
separating the kitchen was to keep the steam and smells of
cooking out of the living room.
Technicalization
The idea of standardized dimensions and layout developed
for the Frankfurt kitchen took hold. The equipment used
remained a standard for years to come: hot and cold water
on tap and a kitchen sink and an electrical or gas stove
and oven. Not much later, the refrigerator was added as a
standard item. The concept was refined in the "Swedish
kitchen" using unit furniture with wooden fronts for the
kitchen cabinets. Soon the concept was amended by the use
of smooth synthetic door and drawer fronts, first in white,
recalling a sense of cleanliness and alluding to sterile
lab or hospital settings, but soon after in lively,
friendly colors, too. A trend began in the 1940s in the
United States to equip the kitchen with electrified small
and large kitchen appliances such as blenders, toasters,
and later also microwave ovens. Following the end of World
War II, massive demand in Europe for low-price, high-tech
consumer goods led to Western European kitchens being
designed to accommodate new appliances such as
refrigerators and electric/gas cookers.
Parallel to this development in tenement buildings was the
evolution of the kitchen in homeowner's houses. There, the
kitchens usually were somewhat larger, suitable for
everyday use as a dining room, but otherwise the ongoing
technicalization was the same, and the use of unit
furniture also became a standard in this market sector.
General technocentric enthusiasm even led some designers to
take the "work kitchen" approach even further, culminating
in futuristic designs like Luigi Colani's "kitchen
satellite" (1969, commissioned by the German high-end
kitchen manufacturer Poggenpohl for an exhibit), in which
the room was reduced to a ball with a chair in the middle
and all appliances at arm's length, an optimal arrangement
maybe for "applying heat to food", but not necessarily for
actual cooking. Such extravaganzas remained outside the
norm, though.
In the former Eastern bloc countries, the official doctrine
viewed cooking as a mere necessity, and women should work
"for the society" in factories, not at home. Also, housing
had to be built at low costs and quickly, which led
directly to the standardized apartment block using
prefabricated slabs. The kitchen was reduced to its
minimums and the "work kitchen" paradigm taken to its
extremes: in East Germany for instance, the standard
tenement block of the model "P2" had tiny 4 m² kitchens in
the inside of the building (no windows), connected to the
dining and living room of the 55 m² apartment and separated
from the latter by a pass-through or a window.
Free for
all
Starting in the 1980s, the perfection of the extractor hood
allowed an open kitchen again, integrated more or less with
the living room without causing the whole apartment or
house to smell. Before that, only a few earlier
experiments, typically in newly built upper middle class
family homes, had open kitchens. Examples are Frank Lloyd
Wright's House Willey (1934) and House Jacobs (1936). Both
had open kitchens, with high ceilings (up to the roof) and
were aired by skylights. The extractor hood made it
possible to build open kitchens in apartments, too, where
both high ceilings and skylights were not possible.
The re-integration of the kitchen and the living area went
hand in hand with a change in the perception of cooking:
increasingly, cooking was seen as a creative and sometimes
social act instead of work, especially in upper social
classes. Besides, many families also appreciated the trend
towards open kitchens, as it made it easier for the parents
to supervise the children while cooking. The enhanced
status of cooking also made the kitchen a prestige object
for showing off one's wealth or cooking professionalism.
Some architects have capitalized on this "object" aspect of
the kitchen by designing freestanding "kitchen objects".
However, like their precursor, Colani's "kitchen
satellite", such futuristic designs are exceptions.
Another reason for the trend back to open kitchens (and a
foundation of the "kitchen object" philosophy) is changes
in how food is prepared. Whereas prior to the 1950s most
cooking started out with raw ingredients and a meal had to
be prepared from scratch, the advent of frozen meals and
pre-prepared convenience food changed the cooking habits of
many people, who consequently used the kitchen less and
less. For others, who followed the "cooking as a social
act" trend, the open kitchen had the advantage that they
could be with their guests while cooking, and for the
"creative cooks" it might even become a stage for their
cooking performance. The "Trophy Kitchen" is highly
equipped with very expensive and sophisticated appliances
which are used primarily to impress visitors and to project
social status, rather than for actual cooking.
Domestic
kitchen planning
Domestic kitchen design per se is a relatively recent
discipline. The first ideas to optimize the work in the
kitchen go back to Catharine Beecher's A Treatise on
Domestic Economy (1843, revised and republished together
with her sister Harriet Beecher Stowe as The American
Woman's Home in 1869). Beecher's "model kitchen" propagated
for the first time a systematic design based on early
ergonomics. The design included regular shelves on the
walls, ample work space, and dedicated storage areas for
various food items. Beecher even separated the functions of
preparing food and cooking it altogether by moving the
stove into a compartment adjacent to the kitchen.
Christine Frederick published from 1913 a series of
articles on "New Household Management" in which she
analyzed the kitchen following Taylorist principles,
presented detailed time-motion studies, and derived a
kitchen design from them. Her ideas were taken up in the
1920s by architects in Germany and Austria, most notably
Bruno Taut, Erna Meyer, and Margarete Schütte-Lihotzky. A
social housing project in Frankfurt (the Römerstadt of
architect Ernst May) realized in 1927/8 was the
breakthrough for her Frankfurt kitchen, which embodied this
new notion of efficiency in the kitchen.
While this "work kitchen" and variants derived from it were
a great success for tenement buildings, home owners had
different demands and didn't want to be constrained by a
6.4 m² kitchen. Nevertheless, kitchen design was mostly
ad-hoc following the whims of the architect. In the U.S.,
the "Small Homes Council", since 1993 the "Building
Research Council", of the School of Architecture of the
University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign was founded in
1944 with the goal to improve the state of the art in home
building, originally with an emphasis on standardization
for cost reduction. It was there that the notion of the
kitchen work triangle was formalized: the three main
functions in a kitchen are storage, preparation, and
cooking (which Catharine Beecher had already recognized),
and the places for these functions should be arranged in
the kitchen in such a way that work at one place does not
interfere with work at another place, the distance between
these places is not unnecessarily large, and no obstacles
are in the way. A natural arrangement is a triangle, with
the refrigerator, the sink, and the stove at a vertex each.
This observation led to a few common kitchen forms,
commonly characterized by the arrangement of the kitchen
cabinets and sink, stove, and refrigerator:
* A single-file kitchen (or one-way galley) has all of these along
one wall; the work triangle degenerates to a line. This is
not optimal, but often the only solution if space is
restricted. This may be common in an attic space that is
being converted into a living space, or a studio apartment.
* The double-file
kitchen (or two-way
galley) has two rows of cabinets at opposite walls, one
containing the stove and the sink, the other the
refrigerator. This is the classical work kitchen.
* In the
L-kitchen, the cabinets
occupy two adjacent walls. Again, the work triangle is
preserved, and there may even be space for an additional
table at a third wall, provided it doesn't intersect the
triangle.
* A U-kitchen
has cabinets along three
walls, typically with the sink at the base of the "U". This
is a typical work kitchen, too, unless the two other
cabinet rows are short enough to place a table at the
fourth wall.
* The block
kitchen (or island) is
a more recent development, typically found in open
kitchens. Here, the stove or both the stove and the sink
are placed where an L or U kitchen would have a table, in a
freestanding "island", separated from the other cabinets.
In a closed room, this doesn't make much sense, but in an
open kitchen, it makes the stove accessible from all sides
such that two persons can cook together, and allows for
contact with guests or the rest of the family, since the
cook doesn't face the wall anymore.
In the 1980's there was a backlash against industrial
kitchen planning and cabinets with people installing a mix
of work surfaces and free standing furniture, led by
kitchen designer Johnny Grey and his concept of the
"Unfitted Kitchen".
Modern kitchens often have enough informal space to allow
for people to eat in it without having to use the formal
dining room. Such areas are called "breakfast areas",
"breakfast nooks" or "breakfast bars" if the space is
integrated into a kitchen counter. Kitchens with enough
space to eat in are sometimes called "eat-in kitchens".
article courtesy of Wikipedia